Book manuscript: Arkhipov S.V. A Bronze Age Medical Case History: Interpreting the Book of Genesis in the Light of Modern Medicine. Kyrö: Author’s Edition, 2026. – 808 pp. – 52 tables. – Bibliographical references: 959 entries. ISBN 978-952-19-7020-7 play.google.com , books.google.com
Prologue
ProLOGUE
The present work is based on a medical hypothesis formulated by the author. According to this assumption, the protograph of the Book of Genesis was written in Egypt in the late 17th century BCE following the Minoan eruption, with the participation of an encyclopaedic physician. The formulated hypothesis undoubtedly requires comprehensive discussion by the interdisciplinary research community.
The
theoretical possibility of such a work appearing in the Nile Valley finds
support in the history of writing. The earliest texts were compiled in the
Tigris – Euphrates basin and Ancient Egypt. In this regard, concerning the
numerous Mesopotamian writings that have come down to us, Academician B. A.
Turaev noted: "Babylonian literature, throughout its centuries-long
existence, shows so little development that, in the words of its recent
describer Weber, 'it is often difficult to decide whether a given text belongs
to the 20th or the 7th century BCE'" (1920ТураевБА). In contrast to this, starting from the
archaic period, a gradual progression of the literary word can be traced in
Egypt. Linguists note a remarkable variety of texts created during the Middle
Kingdom, truly the golden age of ancient Egyptian literature. It has been
observed that "Egyptian culture influenced surrounding peoples more than
the latter influenced the Egyptians. … if we discover in the literature of any
people phenomena and features not intrinsic to it, but typical of Egypt, we can
safely consider them Egyptian borrowings, even if it is impossible to trace
step-by-step the path of this borrowing or influence" (2001КоростовцевМА). "On the whole, ancient
Egyptian literature was more a giving than a borrowing literature, exerting
influence rather than being influenced by it" (1978КоростовцевМ).
In the Book
of Genesis, we have noted multiple literary parallels, cosmogonic similarities,
ethical correspondences, lexical and cultural borrowings, various inversions,
and narrative convergences with ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian, and Hittite
texts. Based on the analysis carried out, taking into account archaeological,
historical, and scientific data, we believe that the Book of Genesis is a
high-level compilation. Its Hebrew version is a translation from the ancient
Egyptian language.
The scope of
the work and the use of diverse source material imply the participation of two
authors well-versed in the scientific, social, technical, and technological
achievements of the Ancient Near East and North Africa. The first was a
scribe-administrator, apparently of Asian descent, while the second was an
erudite, materialistic Egyptian physician. We cannot rule out the possibility
that the co-authors were ethnic Egyptians, working on commission for an
influential official of the 15th Dynasty who was of Asian origin. We believe
the protograph appeared in the Nile Delta within the scriptorium of the House
of Life, which possessed a rich collection of manuscripts. Heliopolis and
Avaris appear to be the most likely locations for its direct composition.
The scribe
recorded the genealogy and family traditions of the Asian client, as well as
Mesopotamian jurisprudence and myths, thus creating a powerful Near Eastern
stratum. The doctor endowed the narratives with the empirical reliability
characteristic of Egyptian literature, including the use of medical knowledge
and observations. The archaic polymath-level healer reflected a wide spectrum
of nosological conditions: Charles Bonnet syndrome, congenital hypertrichosis,
parasitic brain infection, genetically conditioned polycystic ovary syndrome,
myopia, anthrax, hip joint injury, obstructive sleep apnoea, or Undine's curse.
Among the biblical verses are accounts of dangerous states during physiological
processes, disease complications, and surgical operations: inflammation
following circumcision, prolapse of small foetal parts in multiple pregnancy,
fatal outcome of postpartum haemorrhage, blindness due to trachoma, hypnagogic
hallucination, and dreams during nocturnal hypoxaemia. Particularly noteworthy
in the primary source are: a rib resection project under anaesthesia,
anticipation of genetic and cellular modification with subsequent incubation of
a person of the opposite sex. In the narrative about the participation of
physicians in embalming, one can discern the earliest evidence of a
pathoanatomical examination. Apparently, for educational purposes, the basic
elements of human conception physiology are expounded and a folk method for
treating infertility is debunked. The text also features observational,
sanitary, and hygienic measures that later became the basis for the prevention
of infectious diseases and the control of epidemics. It is important to
emphasise here that ancient physicians recorded external manifestations rather
than modern diagnoses in their strict clinical sense. However, this does not
diminish their acuity of observation and attention to detail regarding
nosologies known since ancient times.
The literary
document we studied initially had no religious significance. The mention of
supernatural entities is quite usual for Bronze Age narrative literature, as
well as for the writings of Egyptian physicians. Unfortunately, almost nothing
is known from textual sources about the level of medical knowledge in the Old
Kingdom (ca. 2650–2135 BCE). Written evidence from the Middle Kingdom (ca.
2040–1650 BCE) points to relatively developed concepts in the biomedical
sciences. The surviving works—the Gynaecological Papyrus, the Veterinary
Papyrus, and the Ramesseum Papyri—are saturated with magic, yet contain
elements of a rational approach to diseases. The Edwin Smith Papyrus, created
later (1650–1550 BCE), proves to be anomalously materialistic. The Ebers
Papyrus, the Hearst Medical Papyrus, and the Berlin Papyrus (Эрмана), which appeared in the New Kingdom (ca.
1550–1080 BCE), once again slip back into the realm of mystification.
Consequently,
in the relatively narrow historical Second Intermediate Period (1650–1550 BCE),
the physicians of Ancient Egypt were reliably progressive and pragmatic,
resorting to supernatural forces only in incurable cases. A similar clinical
observation is contained, in our view, in a contemporary of the Edwin Smith
Papyrus—the Book of Genesis. In its 32nd chapter, we find a realistic narrative
concerning the injury to the ligament of the head of femur, symptomatology,
pathological anatomy, and differential diagnosis. Such a case could not have
been invented by Asian nomadic pastoralists, but only by representatives of a
highly educated, sedentary community.
Even today,
injury to the ligament of the head of femur puzzles practising physicians.
There is no consensus regarding either its role or the approaches to treating
its injuries. In view of the above, we have named this anatomical structure of
the body ligamentum incognitum, thereby supplementing the list of dozens of
Latin synonyms (2004Архипов-БалтийскийСВ,a; 2018АрхиповСВ). This terminological diversity uniquely
underscores the ambiguity of views concerning the ligament of the head of
femur. At the same time, its designation was approved by the decision of the
15th International Anatomical Congress (1999): ligamentum capitis femoris in
Latin, and ligament of head of femur in English (2003КолесниковЛЛ). For over a quarter of a
century, scientific publications have continued to use the outdated name
ligamentum teres (round-oblong ligament) and its equivalent, round ligament.
The term was introduced into scientific circulation by Galen of Pergamon
(2nd–3rd centuries), who named the ligament of the head of femur σύνδεσμον δὲ στρογγύλον (round syndesmosis) in his
treatise On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body (1822KühnCG;
2020ArkhipovSV_ProlyginaIV). For nearly two millennia, physicians have
similarly named the ligament of the head of femur in their native languages.
Paradoxically, while using the term of Galen of Pergamon, physicians are
unwilling to heed his words regarding the importance of this anatomical element
(1829KühnCG; 2020ArkhipovSV_ProlyginaIV).
The appearance, structure, and normal attachments,
along with pathological variants of the ligament of the head of femur, are
exceptionally diverse. This introduces even greater uncertainty into the attitudes
of practising doctors and researchers towards it. As an allegory for the
ligament of the head of femur, the words from the Aeneid (IV:568–570)
describing Aurora are appropriate: "Woman is ever a
fickle and changing thing" (1979Вергилий).
The normal
human ligament of the head of femur is small in size, measuring 2–3 cm, and is
localised within the osteochondral cavity of the deepest-seated joint. In the
Russian folk tale The Frog Princess, the life-needle of Koshchei the Deathless
was similarly securely concealed: "the needle is in the egg, the egg is in
the duck, the duck is in the hare, the hare is in the chest." The
hard-to-reach region of function of the ligament of the head of femur creates
significant difficulties for its visualisation. At the same time, since ancient
times humans have dismembered their own kind while practising cannibalism and
preparing bodies for burial (2016MariottiV_CondemiS; 2024YeZ_LiFJ; 2025HungHC_MatsumuraH).
Authentically since the Late Palaeolithic era, humans have known of the
presence of the ligament of the head of femur within themselves. In the Egypt
of the Second Intermediate Period, cannibalism was not recorded, nor were
arthrotomies performed for research purposes or during the mummification of the
dead. However, rare cases of open hip dislocation allowed for the direct
observation of such a difficult-to-study anatomical element. Such an
opportunity could have been provided by falls from a height by pyramid
builders, attacks by large animals on shepherds, and sports injuries.
Scenes of
wrestling featuring brutal techniques of twisting the leg at the hip joint are
present in the paintings of a number of Middle Kingdom tombs in Beni Hasan.
Examining them, it appears that at the height of the combat, a ruthless
wrestler was capable, at the very least, of damaging his partner's ligament of
the head of femur. The consequence of such an injury is always a specific,
incurable limping "upon his thigh" (in Old Testament terminology).
The authors of the Book of Genesis describe a similar hip joint injury in the
patriarch Jacob, blessed by an angel and God (Gen. 32:25–33, 35:10–13; here and
hereafter the Pentateuch is cited according to 1978БроерМ_ЙосифонД,a). Ideal,
invulnerable characters in works of fiction rarely evoke empathy. Vulnerability
makes a hero come alive. Later, Homer would also devise a hip injury for the
favourites of the gods, Aeneas (Iliad, V:302–310) and Odysseus (Odyssey,
XIX:448–464) (1953,1960Гомер). Both,
apparently, limped after their injuries, which brought their images closer to
Jacob and also to the powerful, lame god Hephaestus (1999ГаспаровМЛ). In the ancient world,
wrestling was seen as an earthly reflection of mythological scenes, a form of
communication with supernatural entities, and a ritual for maintaining order in
nature. For example, duels in the pre-Greek Minoan culture bore a sacred
character, which is reflected in the frescoes of the houses of Akrotiri (2007НемировскийАИ). Wrestling competitions in
honour of the gods became an integral part of the Ancient Olympic Games from
the 8th century BCE onwards, and consequently, so did the
"honourable" hip injuries sustained in bouts.
The Book of
Genesis does not specify the identity of the opponent who injured Jacob during
the wrestling match. From the text, one may assume that it was a man, an angel,
or God (Gen. 32:25, 29, 35:10). This ambiguity was reflected in the work of
medieval and modern artists who created over a hundred paintings, icons, and
engravings on this subject (2024АрхиповСВ).
Naturally, the medical component of the Old Testament battle was not taken into
account by them. In the Middle Kingdom of Egypt, the literary Sinuhe boasted
that he had fought and defeated the strongman of the land of Retenu (1956КацнельсонИС_МендельсонФЛ). As can be understood from
the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh, a spirit fought with the sick Enkidu (1961ДьяконовИМ). In the Akkadian culture of
the Old Babylonian period (2000–1600 BCE), disease demons were depicted in the
form of men (1963PinchesTG; 2011FinkelIL). In a number of cases, humanoid
figures of the bearers of demonic forces were drawn with a tail, horns (or long
ears), and a narrow muzzle (2016ZilbergP_HorowitzW). According to a Hittite
ritual text, a certain king wrestles with a goddess (1983TsevatM; 2003УолтонДХ_ЧавалесМУ). Appealing
to the desire for suspense, the creators of the Book of Genesis implied all
such characters simultaneously. Each of them was capable of dislocating the hip
of the Old Testament patriarch. However, that this resulted in damage to the
ligament of the head of femur could not have been known by a writer without
medical training, an understanding of anatomy, and a grasp of the biomechanics
of the musculoskeletal system.
During
forced rotation in the hip joint, the ligament of the head of femur can be
injured as a result of stretching, as well as by being pressed by the femoral
head against the inner margin of the lunate surface of the acetabulum. In a
similar manner, in the ancient Greek myth, the colliding rocks of the
Symplegades crushed ships sailing past (2004КунНА). Retrospectively, it is difficult to choose
"between Scylla and Charybdis," specifically between the probability
of intensive stretching and the shearing force acting upon the ligament of the
head of femur. A probing ancient doctor could have conducted an experiment on
the hip joint of a vertebrate animal. Through empirical trial, it was possible
to ascertain the preferred mechanism of injury to the ligament of the head of
femur, including in humans. Moreover, with a good understanding of the
structure of the hip joint, it is not difficult to guess how one can touch and
transect the ligament of the head of femur without dislocation. Spoiler: this
can be achieved using an instrument inserted into the acetabular notch. One
would like to believe that the Book of Genesis hints at this with a certain
degree of fairy-tale embellishment (Gen. 32:33). Entering the central
compartment of the hip joint via such a portal makes it possible to reduce the
invasiveness and cost of an arthroscopic operation (2025ArkhipovSV).
The
compilers of the Coffin Texts in 2134–2040 BCE were the first to contemplate
the repair of articular ligaments. In particular, on one of the ancient Egyptian
coffins, inscribed for the pacification of the deceased, is the phrase: the
goddess "Nut has come so that she may join your bones together, knit up
your sinews, make your members firm" (1978FaulknerRO). The technique for
suturing a ruptured ligament of the head of femur has not yet been developed,
but a variant of its reconstruction was first proposed in the early 20th
century (1926,1927HeyGrovesEW). Exactly a hundred years have passed, yet for
some mysterious reason, no modification of such an operation has ever become
routine. At the same time, the method for reconstructing the anterior cruciate
ligament, introduced more than a century ago, is actively developing
(1917HeyGrovesEW). Today, arthroscopic reconstruction of this ligament is cited
as the foremost among the most common elective orthopaedic operations
(2021BlomAW_KunutsorSK). Papers devoted to the treatment of an injured anterior
cruciate ligament constitute the largest proportion of publications in journals
specialising in arthroscopy and knee joint sports medicine
(2026KambhampatiSB_VaishA). We believe that in time, the topic of
reconstructing the ligament of the head of femur will top the rankings of
citations. Therefore, we continue to study this morphological element and share
our ideas, realising that the gathered material will serve as a basis for
research by future generations of colleagues.
The author
of these lines first paid attention to the Old Testament narrative recounting a
hip joint injury when he was a student. Thirty-five years have passed since
then. Episodic reflections on the medical aspects of the biblical event evolved
into a desire to clarify where and when the epic itself appeared. Gradually, a
complex of facts accumulated, pointing to an earlier origin of the Book of Genesis
than is commonly believed. Their analysis transformed into the monograph: 50
Tables of Evidence for the Composition of Genesis in Late Second Intermediate
Period Egypt. The aforementioned work only partially touched upon the medical
aspect of our primary source. To remedy this, the book Medical Record: The
Contribution of a Middle Bronze Age Egyptian Physician to the Book of Genesis
was written. The present work unites these two monographs, including an
analysis of linguistic, archaeological, historical, natural science, and
medical data discovered in the primary source. It would seem that anyone
wishing to familiarise themselves with our hypothesis will find it more
convenient to have all the material we have gathered close at hand. The book is
concentrated on the episode of the injury to the ligament of the head of femur,
which is discussed in the first part of the work. Following this, tables
containing a list of biblical texts and their correspondences in the texts and
traditions of the Middle Bronze Age are placed as an appendix. To compile them,
we studied available written monuments created for the most part in the period
between the Old and New Kingdoms of Egypt, as well as contemporary Mesopotamian
texts. These were examples of fiction, myths, inscriptions on pyramid walls,
sarcophagi, and stelae. We took into account the synthesis of philologists,
archaeological and medical data, and familiarised ourselves with the history
and technologies of the Bronze and Iron Ages of Egypt and the Near East. In the
tables, opposite selected verses from the Book of Genesis, quotations from
ancient texts close in meaning, fragments of Egyptological commentaries, and
linguists' conclusions are placed. In some cases, references to archaeological
findings and information from the history of medicine are provided. To the
initially formed two columns—containing the text of the Book of Genesis and the
Egyptian-Asian parallels—a third has been added, including the identified type
of similarity and its rationale. Such tables have been compiled for each
chapter of our primary source, indicating the oldest analogies, parallels, and
borrowings from Egyptian and Mesopotamian culture that we have discovered. It
is assumed that the interested reader will turn to this section to verify the
author's judgements.
The main
purpose presented to the reader's judgement in the work has been the
popularisation of our own point of view regarding the dating of the earliest
mention of an injury to the human ligament of the head of femur. At the same
time, the monograph continues the discussion on the essence of the Book of
Genesis and the level of medical knowledge in the Bronze Age. It is difficult
to predict whether this work will become a stimulus for the reformation of
religious and philosophical thought due to the neutralisation of the sacredness
of a fundamental section of the Bible. This cannot be ruled out, realising that
the Book of Genesis is a work of fiction based on the traditions of the Middle
Bronze Age, yet one must live in the present and look to the future. At the
very least, we hope that the presented publication will serve the cause of
improving the diagnosis and treatment of pathologies of the ligament of the
head of femur—an urgent task of modern orthopaedics. It is to be hoped that in
the twenty-first century, it will finally be possible to develop a technique
for its effective reconstruction and to equip a hip
joint endoprosthesis with an analogue of the ligament of
the head of femur.
Main Section
PROLOGUE / Title & Contents / Chapter 1 / Chapter 2 / Chapter 3 / Chapter 4 / Chapter 5 / Chapter 6 / Chapter 7 / Chapter 8 / Chapter 9 / Chapter 10 / Chapter 11 / Chapter 12 / Chapter 13 / Chapter 14 / Chapter 15 / Chapter 16 / Chapter 17 / Chapter 18 / Chapter 19 / Chapter 20 / Chapter 21 / Chapter 22 / Chapter 23 / Chapter 24 / Chapter 25 / References 1 / Notes
Russian-language version [Архипов С.В. Медицинская карта]:
Титул и оглавление / Глава 1 / Глава 2 / Глава 3 / Глава 4 / Глава 5 / Глава 6 / Глава 7 / Глава 8 / Глава 9 / Глава 10 / Глава 11 / Глава 12 / Глава 13 / Глава 14 / Глава 15 / Глава 16 / Глава 17 / Глава 18 / Глава 19 / Глава 20 / Глава 21 / Глава 22 / Глава 23 / Глава 24 / Глава 25 / Список литературы
Author of the publication
Arkhipov S.V. – Independent Researcher, MD, PhD, Orthopedic Surgeon, Medical Writer, Finland.
Correspondence: Sergey Arkhipov, e-mail: archipovsv @ gmail.com
Publication history
November 8, 2026 - online version of the book is published.
Suggested citation
Arkhipov S.V. A Bronze Age Medical Case History: Interpreting the Book of Genesis in the Light of Modern Medicine. Prologue. Kyrö: Author’s Edition, 2026. About the round ligament of the femur. November 8, 2026. https://roundligament.blogspot.com/2026/11/a-bronze-age-medical-case-history.html
Note
Keywords
hip joint, hip dislocation, osteoarthritis, ligament of the head of femur, ligamentum teres, ligamentum capitis femoris, Minoan Eruption, Bronze Age, Ancient Medicine, Ancient Egypt, Edwin Smith Papyrus, Biblical Chronology, Genesis, Genesis Protograph, Bereshit
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