English version of the article: Архипов СВ. Книга Берешит как великая компиляция текстов и смыслов Второго переходного периода Египта: пилотная культурологическая, медицинская, археологическая и текстологическая экспертиза преданий против традиционной атрибуции. Введение. О круглой связке бедра. 14.02.2026. The text in Russian is available at the following link: 2026АрхиповСВ
The Book of Genesis as a Great Compilation of Texts and Meanings from the Second Intermediate Period of Egypt: A Pilot Culturological, Medical, Archaeological, and Textological Examination of the Legends versus Traditional Attribution. Chapter 44
By Sergey V. Arkhipov, MD, PhD
CONTENT [i] Abstract [ii] Book of Genesis. Chapter 44 Analysis [iii] Notes to Chapter 44 [iv] AI Agent's Conclusion [v] Content [vi] External links [vii] Application |
The Book of Genesis (Bereshith) was composed in Egypt during the 17th century BCE and reached its definitive protographic form following the Minoan eruption of Thera. This study argues that the work was the result of a collaboration between an Egyptian polymath and a distinguished scribe of Asiatic descent. By analyzing ancient texts, anatomical descriptions, archaeological data, Bronze Age cultural history, and climatic markers, this article demonstrates that the book emerged from the work of a high-ranking socio-political committee within the Egyptian House of Life. We argue that the inclusion of precise anatomical data, such as the ligamentum capitis femoris, serves as a diagnostic marker of this Egyptian medical-scribal collaboration, challenging the late-date theories of the documentary hypothesis.
[ii] Book of Genesis. Chapter 44 Analysis
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Excerpts from the
Book of Genesis (1922LeeserI:56-57) |
Type of
Similarity and Justification |
Ancient Near
Eastern and Egyptian Contexts (Parallels,
Analogies, Similarity, Borrowings, Inversions) |
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2 And my cup, the
silver cup, thou shalt put in the mouth of the sack of the youngest, and the
money for his com. And he did according to the word of Joseph which he had
spoken. … 12 And he searched, at the eldest he began, and at the youngest he
left off; and the cup was found in Benjamin's sack. … 16 And Judah said, What
shall we say unto my lord? what shall we speak? or how shall we justify
ourselves? God hath found out the iniquity of thy servants: behold we are
servants unto my lord, both we, as also he in whose hand the cup was found.
17 And he said, God forbid that I should do this: the man in whose hand the
cup was found, he shall be my servant; and as for you, go you up in peace
unto your father.
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The Borrowing of the Word «Cup
/ Vessel» (Etymology) |
A more plausible etymology for the word is the Egyptian term for a
«libation vessel», which first appears during the Old Kingdom period. «More
generally, the adoption of this term from Egypt reflects Egyptian influence
on the construction of the tabernacle’s lampstand.» (2021NoonanBJ:80).
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4 They were gone
out of the city, not yet far off, when Joseph said unto the superintendent of
his house, Up, follow after the men; and when thou hast overtaken them, say
unto them, Wherefore have ye returned evil for good? 5 Is not this out of
which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he divineth? ye have done evil in
so doing. |
Practice of Professional Magic The textual similarity is manifested in the mention of divination and
the use of magical attributes as an integral part of the competencies of a
high-ranking official, which corresponds to the Egyptian institution of the
khery-heb (lector priests). |
Egypt In ancient Egyptian society, Pharaoh was expected to «have among
his courtiers skilled diviners and dream interpreters, so that they might
warn him against any act displeasing to the gods, ensuring he did not violate
the decrees of Maat; and if, through ignorance, he began to act contrary to
the goddess's will, he would have time to stop—as was the case with Pharaoh
Khufu» (2007РакИ:135). This passage refers to the
Middle Kingdom tale «Cheops and the Magicians», contained in the «Westcar Papyrus»
(1920ТураевБА:84). One of the modern
titles of the tale is «Pharaoh Khufu and the Sorcerers». It features the high
priest-enchanter Ubainer and Djadjamankh, as well as the commoner «sorcerer»
Djedi (1956КацнельсонИС_МендельсонФЛ:38,43). Notably, in another translation
of this tale, titled «King Cheops and the Wizards», the priestly office is
designated as «Chief Khery-heb» (1979ЛившицИГ_РубинштейнРИ:62). Regarding the «Three
Tales of Wonder» (Papyrus Westcar, Hyksos period), we read: «Go, bring me the
chief lector-priest, the scribe of books, Djadja-em-ankh! <…> Then the
chief lector-priest Djadja-em-ankh said his say of magic. … Then he said his say of magic and returned
the waters of the lake to their place (2006LichtheimM:1.216–217). The text also mentions that the
magician Djedi [who is a great magician] lived in Djed-Snefru: «He is
a man of a hundred and ten years who eats five hundred loaves of bread, half
an ox for meat, and drinks one hundred jugs of beer to this very day.» (2006LichtheimM:1.217–218).
Furthermore, it is recorded that
«Djedi said his say of magic: the goose stood up and waddled <…>
Djedi said his say of magic, and the ox stood up.» (2006LichtheimM:1.219). The title «Khery-heb» appears in historical records as well. In the
tomb
of Harkhuf, Nomarch of Elephantine and contemporary of Pharaoh Merenre of the
6th Dynasty, his title «Khery-heb» is mentioned, meaning «a priest who
recited magical formulas and acquired a reputation as a mage» (1915ТураевБА:49–50). Similarly, an inscription on a slab (Vienna Museum №
172) dating to the Ptolemaic era mentions the «Chief Khery-heb and Royal
Scribe Benant» (1915ТураевБА:49–50,63). Magical practices were also integrated into medical texts. In the «Kahun
Gynaecological Papyrus», written around 1825 BCE, Case № 30 proposes a
magical formula (2021LopesHT_PereiraRGG; intechopen.com). Likewise, in Case № 9 of the
«Edwin Smith Papyrus» (1650–1550 BCE), when presented with a clearly
unfavorable prognosis, the physician recommends a spell (1930BreastedJH:217; sae.saw-leipzig.de). Finally, the «Pyramid Texts»,
dating to 2350–2175 BCE, have preserved one of the Spells (№ 678, 2029a–2030c)
of a mage-scribe compelled to contend with others of his kind: «’Iḥmti,
Śdmti, do not hearken to N.; do not listen to N.; do not demand the magic of
N.; do not ask for the magic of N. from N. Thou hast thy magic; N. has his
magic. May N. not break thy pen; may he not crack thy palette! May N. have (his) offering!» (1952MercerSAB:490).
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5 Is not this out
of which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he divineth? ye have done evil
in so doing. … 7 And they said unto him. Wherefore will my lord speak such
words as these ? God forbid that thy servants should do any thing like this. Similarly: 44:8-9,16,18–20,22,24.
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Diplomatic Onomastics
of Status The similarity is
observed in the strict adherence to Near Eastern court protocol, where the
emphasized self-deprecation of the petitioner before a high-ranking official
served as a mandatory legal and ethical norm of official dialogue. |
Mesopotamia In the letters from the royal
archives of Mari, the form of address «my lord» was traditionally employed.
Ashmada writes to Zimri-Lim on tablet ARM 34 163: «Speak to my lord: Thus
says Ashmat, your servant. I have listened to the tablet which my lord commanded
me to carry. My lord sent me a message saying: Join the Bedouins...»
(1988CharpinD:184, archibab.fr). In another
letter (ARM 35 157), we read: «Speak to my lord: Thus says Yasmah-Addu, your
servant. Lakhun-Dagan has undertaken to do this with my lord...»
(1988CharpinD:183, archibab.fr). In a letter
(ARM 26/2 290) from Usur-awassu addressed to Yasmah-Addu, we find: «Speak to
my lord: thus says your servant Usur-awassu. Regarding the work on the
statue, my lord wrote the following to me...» (1988CharpinD_LafontB:26–27).
The Mesopotamian archive of Mari dates to the first half of the 18th century
BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:21, archibab.fr).
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7 And they said
unto him. Wherefore will my lord speak such words as these ? God forbid that
thy servants should do any thing like this. Similarly: 44:9,10,16–19,21,23–24,27,30-33.
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Diplomatic Identity The established structural similarity of rhetorical formulas «your
servant» confirms the use in the Book of Genesis of an authentic protocol of
interstate and social correspondence from the Middle Bronze Age. |
Mesopotamia The standard
opening of vassal correspondence from the Mari archives contains the formula
«your servant». For instance, a
letter from Kibri-Dagan to his lord Zimri-Lim (ARM 26/1 210) states: «Say to
my Lord: Thus (spoke) Kibri-Dagan, your servant.» (1988CharpinD:439–440). Likewise, a letter from Askudum and
Rishiya to their lord Zimri-Lim (ARM 26/1 11) reports: «Say to our Lord: Thus speak Askudum and
Rishiya, your servants.» (1988CharpinD:107–109). Similarly, a letter from Shibtu to her lord
Zimri-Lim (ARM 26/1 214) records:
«Say to my Lord: Thus speaks Shibtu, your servant: In the temple of
Annunitum in the city of Ahatum, the servant of Dagan-Malik prophesied and
said the following…» (1988CharpinD:442–443). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the
first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106).
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8 Behold the
money, which we found in the mouth of our sacks, we brought back unto thee
out of the land of Canaan: how then should we steal out of thy lord's house
silver or gold? |
Ethnopolitical Isomorphism The presence of the term «Canaan»
is characteristic of diplomatic correspondence and legal archives of the
18th–15th centuries BCE. |
Levant The inhabitants
of Canaan are mentioned in a letter from Ashmad to Askudum (Mari archive, ARM
26/1 24): «Send me a hundred Canaanites <…> awaiting the arrival of the
Canaanites» (1988CharpinD:152–154). In another letter (ARM 26/1 140, Mari archive) from Nur-Addu
addressed to Zimri-Lim, «Yakhsib-El, the Canaanite» is mentioned
(1988CharpinD:303–305). The Mari
archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half of the 18th
century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106). Furthermore, according to Na'aman, «It
is thus evident that in mid–18th century BCE people called
"Canaanites" lived south of the kingdom of Qatna [south of Syria], i.e., in the
same area where they are located in the Late Bronze Age.» (1994NaʾamanN:398).
Notably, «The earliest
occurrence of the geographical term [Canaan] outside the Old Testament is in
the Idrimi statue from Alalakh, which dates to about the middle of the
fifteenth century B.C.» (1961GibsonJC:217). Additionally, «The word Canaan comes from Hurrian
Kinahhu, which is attested by the documents from Nuzi (15th century BCE) and
which is supposed to be a Hurrian word for the colour of purple.»
(1991LemcheNP:26).
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10 And he said.
Now also let it be according to your words: he with whom it is found shall be
my servant; but ye shall be blameless. |
Ethics and Hygiene A similar view of
«purity» is observed, not merely as the absence of contamination, but as a
state of legal and spiritual integrity essential for contact with the sacred. |
Egypt Regarding the purification rituals in the Pyramid of Pepi II (6th
Dynasty, ca. 2246–2152 BCE), Recitation № 564 states: «You will become clean in
the Jackal Lake and be purged (of impurity) in the Duat Lake.»
(2007AllenJP:298). Later
historical accounts confirm these traditions. Plutarch (1st–2nd
century CE), recounting the story of Isis and Osiris, mentions the
purification rites of Egyptian priests and their special attitude toward
clothing. In their vestments, they likened themselves to Osiris, whose
raiment «admits of no shadow or variegation, but is one simple likeness of
light; for the beginning is pure, and the primary and intelligible is
unmixed. Therefore, having once put on this garment, the priests then remove
it and keep it invisible and untouched» (1996Плутарх:4,5,77). Similarly, according to Herodotus (5th century BCE), priests in Egypt
were meticulous about cleanliness: «Every three days the priests shave the
hair on their bodies... Twice a day and twice a night they perform ablutions
in cold water and, in short, observe a multitude of other rites.» Furthermore,
all Egyptians wash their dishes and «wear linen garments, always freshly
laundered» (1972Геродот:2.37). As noted in modern scholarship, «All priests were obliged to meticulously maintain cleanliness,
especially during sacrifices. <…> Ceremonial purity, however, was
mandatory in all periods and was considered no less important than moral
holiness. Even a layman could not enter the temples without having carefully
purified himself» (2021МюллерМ:203–204).
Evidence of
such practices is also found in liturgical texts. The action resembles the Ancient Egyptian purification ritual from the
«Turin Papyrus CGT 54050», composed during the 19th Dynasty, i.e., in
1307–1196 BCE (2002BunsonMR; sae.saw-leipzig.de). Furthermore, in the «Admonitions of Ipuwer» (12th Dynasty), we
find: «Remember the erecting of flagstaffs, the carving of offering stones;
the priest cleansing the chapels, the temple whitewashed like milk;
sweetening the fragrance of the sanctuary, setting up the bread- offerings.
Remember the observing of rules, the adjusting of dates, removing one who
enters the priestly service unclean; for to do this is wrong,»
(2006LichtheimM:1.159). Finally, the
transition from foreign to Egyptian life often involved symbolic
purification. In the «Story of Sinuhe»
(Middle Kingdom), it is stated: «I was shaved; my hair was combed. Thus was
my squalor returned to the foreign land, my dress to the Sand-farers. I was
clothed in fine linen; I was anointed with fine oil. I slept on a bed. I had
returned the sand to those who dwell in it, the tree-oil to those who grease
themselves with it.» (2006LichtheimM:1.233).
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12 And he
searched, at the eldest he began, and at the youngest he left off; and the
cup was found in Benjamin's sack. |
Ethno-Onomastic Authenticity The similarity is manifested in the use of the name «Benjamin»
(Binyamin) as a documented anthroponym and ethnonym within the Near East
during the Middle Bronze Age.
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Mesopotamia As documented in the correspondence from the Mari archives, mentions the
Benjaminite tribes, their kings, and princes, who lived in proximity to the
Bedouins of Canaan. Specifically, the author of a letter (ARM 26/1 282)
reminds Zimri-Lim: «Two Canaanites must be brought alive to the border and
mutilated there. They must go alive to the Benjaminites and tell them that my
Lord has captured the city of Mishlan by force...» (1988CharpinD:582–583, archibab.fr). Furthermore, a certain Ishi-Addu, in a letter (ARM
26/1 121), conveys the words of oracles: «Go to Dur-Yahdun-Lim and verify the
prophecies concerning the inhabitants of Qatna and the Zalmakkum, relating to
the Benjaminites. If, when Zimri-Lim and his troops set out on a campaign...
the Benjaminites will surely form a solid block with their forces and [...]
and besiege Dur-Yahdun-Lim» (1988CharpinD:287–288, archibab.fr). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the
first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106).
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13 Then they rent
their clothes, and every one loaded his ass, and they returned to the city. See note!
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Ritual-Demonstrative Similarity The act of rending garments by Reuben and Jacob as an expression of
extreme despair and protest fully aligns with the protocol for the public
expression of grief and indignation recorded in the diplomatic correspondence
of the 18th-century BCE Mari archives. |
Mesopotamia In the royal
archives of Mari, a letter (ARM 26/2 370) from Yarim-Addu to his lord
Zimri-Lim was discovered, reporting a protest by Elamite messengers: «These
messengers [did not stop shouting] at the palace gates; they rent their
garments with their own hands». According
to the report, one of the protesters is asked: «Why do you constantly
shout at the palace gates and rend your garments?» (1988CharpinD_LafontB:175–177, archibab.fr). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half
of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106).
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17 And he said,
God forbid that I should do this: the man in whose hand the cup was found, he
shall be my servant; and as for you, go you up in peace unto your father.
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Diplomatic Immunity The identity of the speech
construction (formulaic expression) codifies the subject’s transition into
the status of a «protected ally», thereby providing a legal guarantee of his
personal safety and sovereign protection within a foreign jurisdiction.
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Egypt The «Pyramid Texts» (2350–2175 BCE), specifically Utterance № 697
(2170b), record: «"Come in peace", say the Two Enneads to thee»
(1952MercerSAB:518). Furthermore, in the Pyramid of Unis (5th Dynasty, ca.
2353–2323 BCE), Recitation № 165 states: «Look, she is coming, the
beautiful West, to meet you, to meet you with her beautiful tresses, and she
is saying: "Welcome, you to whom I gave birth, with rising horn,
eye-painted pillar, bull of the sky: your form is distinguished; pass in
peace, for I have joined you"—so says the beautiful West about Unis.»
(2007AllenJP:44). |
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18 Then Judah
came near unto him, and said. Pardon, my lord, let thy servant, I pray thee,
speak a word in my lord's ears, and let not thy anger bum against thy
servant; for thou art even as Pharaoh.
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The Borrowing the Word «Pharaoh» |
The term «Pharaoh» derives from an Egyptian word that
originally designated the palace or the residence of the king and his
administration. By the 12th Dynasty, it became associated with the three
wishes following the royal name (life, prosperity, health), and by the New
Kingdom, the term began to be used as a title for the king himself
(2021NoonanBJ:183).
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20 And we said
unto my lord, We have an old father, and a little child born in his old age ;
and his brother is dead, and he alone is left of his mother, and his father
loveth him.
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The Institution of Filial
Succession The similarity is observed in the
depiction of the son as an existentially vital assistant and successor, whose
absence is perceived as a catastrophic event for the family. |
Egypt «The Instruction
of Ptahhotep» (6th Dynasty): «May this servant be ordered to make a staff of
old age, So as to tell him the words of those who heard, The ways of the
ancestors, Who have listened to the gods.» (2006LichtheimM:1.63). Similarly, another translation
«The Instruction of Ptahhotep» states: «Let this servant be ordered to
acquire a staff of old age, that I may tell him the words of those who heard
the counsels of the ancestors» (2001КоростовцевМА:39).
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Domestication of the Donkey
13 Then they rent their clothes, and
every one loaded his ass, and they returned to the city.
A burial dating back to the early
First Dynasty (ca. 3000 BCE) contains the «earliest direct evidence of use of
donkeys for transport rather than for meat. They also provide the earliest
secure, non-size-based evidence for domestic donkeys» (2008RosselS_O'ConnorD).
Furthermore, in the mastaba at Tarkhan (First Dynasty, ca. 2850 BCE), a grave
was found containing the skeletons of three donkeys; the excavators noted that
«these were the favourite animals buried with the master, much as the household
were buried with the kings of this age» (1914PetrieWMF). Genetically, the most
likely ancestors of the domestic donkey are the African wild asses
(2004Beja-PereiraA_LuikartG).
(The conclusion compiled by the AI agent, with our minor changes)
Preliminary Conclusion to the Analysis of Genesis Chapter 44
Sacred
Magic and Administrative Authority
The use of
the term «cup» in Genesis 44:2, which possesses an Egyptian etymology
(referring to a «libation vessel») documented as early as the Old Kingdom,
indicates a profound anchoring of the lexicon within the Egyptian cultic
environment. This demonstrates that the author of the text utilized technical
terms characteristic of the Egyptian administrative system prior to the 1st
millennium BCE.
History
and Professional Magic:
The
practice of cup divination (lecanomancy) attributed to Joseph (Gen. 44:5) fully
corresponds to the Egyptian institution of the khery-heb (lector priests). As
evidenced by the Westcar Papyrus (recorded during the Hyksos period) and
inscriptions from the 6th Dynasty (Harkhuf), mastery of magic was a mandatory
competency for high-ranking officials and advisors to the Pharaoh. Magical
formulas were regarded as legitimate instruments of governance and the
protection of the state order (Maat).
Medicine
and Textual Criticism:
The
synchronization of magical practices with medical texts, such as the Edwin
Smith Papyrus (1650–1550 BCE) and the Kahun Gynaecological Papyrus (ca. 1825
BCE), confirms that during the Middle Bronze Age, magic and science (medicine)
were inextricably linked. The mention of magic within the context of Joseph’s
high administrative status reflects the actual social conditions of the Second
Intermediate Period. The synthesis of data from the Westcar Papyrus and medical
treatises of the 17th century BCE firmly anchors the image of the «magician-official»
to the era of Hyksos rule and the early 18th Dynasty.
Diplomatic
Protocol and Social Hierarchy
Linguistics
and Textual Parallels: The speech of Judah and his brothers in Genesis 44 («your
servant,» «my lord») is a flawless reflection of the Amorite diplomatic style.
The use of the formula «your servant» (as a humble self-designation) in
response to a high official is identical to the standard openings of vassal
correspondence found in the Mari archives (18th century BCE). This demonstrates
that the biblical narrative preserves an authentic protocol of interstate and
social communication from the Middle Bronze Age.
History
and Diplomacy:
Synchronization
with the letters of Kibri-Dagan and Queen Shibtu to Zimri-Lim confirms that the
emphasized self-deprecation of a petitioner before authority was not merely a
literary device, but a legal norm. Genesis 44 exhibits an intimate knowledge of
the etiquette nuances characteristic of the Amorite dynasties and the Hyksos
period, when such rhetorical structures were at the height of their usage. The
presence of identical formulas in documents from the first half of the 18th
century BCE (Mari) and their organic integration into the biblical dialogue
affirm the historical depth of the text.
Ethnopolitics
and Ritual Integrity
The
reference to «Canaan» in Genesis 44:8 as a self-evident geographical and
political entity fully aligns with the diplomatic nomenclature of the 18th–15th
centuries BCE. Data from the Mari archives (mentioning «Canaanites» and «Yakhsib-El
the Canaanite») and the Idrimi statue from Alalakh (15th century BCE) confirm
that during this period, the term was already widely used in international
correspondence to designate territories south of Syria. This rule out a late
anachronistic insertion and anchors the text within the political geography of
the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.
Ethics
and Hygiene: The
brothers' defensive reaction to the accusation of theft reflects the Egyptian
concept of «purity» (ab) as a synthesis of moral and physical states. As
demonstrated in «The Story of Sinuhe» and «The Admonitions of Ipuwer» (Middle
Kingdom), interaction with the Egyptian administration required ritual
purification—shaving, the removal of «foreign squalor,» and the donning of fine
linen. In Chapter 44, the accusation of stealing a sacred vessel is not merely
a legal matter but a threat to this state of «purity» essential for contact
with the sacred authority of the state.
Archaeology
and Textual Criticism: The purification rites documented by Herodotus and Plutarch find their
authentic prototypes in the Pyramid Texts (6th Dynasty) and Middle Kingdom
literature. The consistency of these requirements for «purity» in both the
biblical narrative and Egyptian sources underscores the historical accuracy of
the narrative's cultural background.
Ethno-Onomastic
Authenticity
The name of
Joseph’s youngest brother (Benjamin) finds a direct and unique parallel in the
name of the powerful tribal confederation DUMU.MEŠ-Ya-mi-na (Binu-Yamina),
documented in the Mari archives (18th century BCE). The structural identity of
the name («son of the right hand/south») and its presence within the Semitic
environment of the Middle Bronze Age indicate that this onomastic unit was an
organic and widespread element in the region long before the formation of the
Israelite kingdom. The Mari texts (from the era of Zimri-Lim) describe the
Benjaminites as an active political force operating in close contact with the
Canaanites and the inhabitants of Qatna. This fully aligns with the
geographical and ethnic context of Genesis 44, where the brothers arrive specifically
from Canaan. The mention of Benjaminite «kings and princes» in official
correspondence confirms the high status of this group within the
Mesopotamian-Levantine arena of the 18th–17th centuries BCE. The presence of
such a specific ethnonym/anthroponym as «Benjamin» in documents dating to the
first half of the 18th century BCE serves as a compelling argument for the
historicity of the original tradition. The text of the Book of Genesis
preserves terminology characteristic of the Middle Bronze Age, making its late
origin without reliance on an ancient, authentic substratum highly improbable.
Ritual-Demonstrative
Similarity:
The act of
rending garments by the brothers (Gen. 44:13) as a public expression of extreme
despair and protest finds an exact parallel in the diplomatic practices of the
Mari archives (18th century BCE). A letter from Yarim-Addu to Zimri-Lim (ARM
26/2 370) describes identical behavior by Elamite messengers at the palace
gates. This confirms that the Genesis text records an authentic protocol for
the public manifestation of indignation characteristic of Semitic peoples
during the Middle Bronze Age.
Diplomatic
Immunity:
The
formulaic expressions of «passing in peace» (Gen. 44:17) are functionally
identical to Egyptian greetings found in the Pyramid Texts and the tomb of Unis
(5th–6th Dynasties). In Ancient Near Eastern legal culture, this was not merely
a well-wish but a formal legal act granting a subject the status of a «protected
ally,» providing a guarantee of personal safety within a foreign jurisdiction.
This highlights the sophisticated diplomatic layering and legal authenticity of
the narrative.
Linguistic
Chronology (Pharaoh):
The use of
the term «Pharaoh» in the patriarchal narrative corresponds to its historical
evolution from the Egyptian word for «Great House» (palace/administration).
While it became associated with royal health formulas during the 12th Dynasty,
its application in Chapter 44 reflects the central administration of power,
which is consistent with the terminology of the Middle Kingdom and the Hyksos
period before it became a personal title for the king in the New Kingdom.
The
Institution of Filial Succession:
The
depiction of Benjamin in Genesis 44:20–31 as the indispensable condition for
his elderly father’s survival directly corresponds to the Egyptian concept of
the «staff of old age» (iwt n iau). In «The Instruction of Ptahhotep» (Middle
Kingdom), this status implies not only physical assistance but the transmission
of ancestral wisdom and the preservation of the family line. Judah’s speech
employs this exact sociocultural code: for Jacob, the absence of his youngest
son is not merely the loss of a child, but an ontological catastrophe that
leads to the physical and spiritual demise of the family head.
Anthropological
Dualism:
The
biblical expression «his soul is bound up with the lad’s soul» (Gen. 44:30) and
the description of profound emotional shock mirror the Egyptian understanding
of the Ba (soul) as an active, vital principle. In «The Story of Sinuhe» and «The
Dispute between a Man and His Ba» (12th Dynasty), identical psychological states
are documented: during moments of intense turmoil, a person’s «Ba departs,» and
their «heart is no longer in the body.» The use of this metaphor in Genesis 44
testifies to the adoption of an Egyptian psycho-spiritual model prevalent in
the literature of the Middle Kingdom and the Hyksos period.
Chronology
and Textual Criticism:
Anchoring
these philosophical and ethical concepts to the Westcar Papyrus (Hyksos era)
and texts of the 12th–13th Dynasties confirms that this layer of Chapter 44 was
shaped within the intellectual environment of the 18th–17th centuries BCE. The
synchronization of the biblical description of «intertwined souls» with the
Egyptian metaphysical definition of the Ba strengthens the case for a 1600s BCE
dating, specifically aligning with the era of the Second Intermediate Period.
General
Conclusion
The
research has identified a critical density of ethnographic, linguistic, and
legal markers that preclude a late literary reconstruction and confirm the
origin of this textual layer within the authentic environment of the Middle
Bronze Age.
Magico-Administrative
Isomorphism: The portrayal of Joseph as a high-ranking official practicing the
art of cup divination (lecanomancy) fully corresponds to the Egyptian
institution of the khery-heb (lector priests). The practice of professional
magic as a legitimate instrument of state governance is documented in Middle
Kingdom and Hyksos-period sources (e.g., the Westcar Papyrus), rendering
Joseph’s functional role historically plausible for an Egyptian court of the
2nd millennium BCE.
Diplomatic
and Legal Authenticity: The speech etiquette («your servant,» «my lord»), the
ritual gestures of protest (rending of garments), and the use of the ethnonym «Canaan»
demonstrate a flawless alignment with the international protocol recorded in
the Mari archives (18th century BCE). The text preserves a unique onomastic
stratum (the mention of Benjaminites in Mesopotamian correspondence)
characteristic of the Amorite-Hyksos cultural sphere.
Socio-Anthropological
Code: The ethical foundation of the chapter relies on the Egyptian concepts of
the «staff of old age» (iwt n iau) and the dualistic understanding of the Ba
(soul) as an active vital principle. These specific «Egyptianisms,» reflected
in the literary monuments of the 12th–13th Dynasties, indicate that the
psychological and value-based context of the narrative was formed within the
intellectual environment of the 18th–17th centuries BCE.
Final
Verdict
Based on
the synthesis of linguistic, legal, and cultural indicators, the final verdict
is established:
Chronological
Localization: 17th Century BCE (ca. 1650–1600 BCE).
Historical
Status: Chapter 44 represents a highly accurate recording of the realities of
Egypt’s Second Intermediate Period and Mesopotamia’s Old Babylonian period. The
text serves as an authentic archive of Ancient Near Eastern law and court
etiquette, preserving a unique fusion of Egyptian administrative terminology
and Semitic tribal traditions of the mid-2nd millennium BCE.
Sumer (c. 3300 – before 1900 BCE) britannica.com
The Old Kingdom of Egypt (c. 2543 – c. 2120 BCE) britannica.com
The Third Dynasty of Ur (22nd – 21st cent. BCE) britannica.com
The First Intermediate period of Egypt (c. 2118 – c. 1980 BCE) britannica.com
The Old Babylonian period of Egypt (2000 – 1595 BCE) onlinelibrary.wiley.com
The Middle Kingdom of Egypt (c. 1980 – c. 1760 BCE) britannica.com
The Second Intermediate period of Egypt (c. 1759 – c. 1539 BCE) britannica.com
The New Kingdom of Egypt (c. 1539 – c. 1077 BCE) britannica.com
Authors of the article
Arkhipov S.V. – Independent Researcher, MD, PhD, Orthopedic Surgeon, Medical Writer, Joensuu, Finland.
Correspondence: Sergey Arkhipov, email: archipovsv @ gmail.com
Article history
March 21, 2026 - online version of the article published.
Suggested citation
Arkhipov S.V. The Book of Genesis as a Great Compilation of Texts and Meanings from the Second Intermediate Period of Egypt: A Pilot Culturological, Medical, Archaeological, and Textological Examination of the Legends versus Traditional Attribution. Chapter 44. About round ligament of femur. March 21, 2026.
Note
Keywords
Genesis Protograph, Bereshit Protograph, Hyksos-era Scriptorium, Ligamentum Teres, Ligamentum Capitis Femoris, Minoan Eruption Impact, Bronze Age, Middle Egyptian Origin, Cross-cultural Codification, Ancient Medicine, Biblical Chronology
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