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Great Compilation. Chapter 50

 

English version of the article: Архипов СВ. Книга Берешит как великая компиляция текстов и смыслов Второго переходного периода Египта: пилотная культурологическая, медицинская, археологическая и текстологическая экспертиза преданий против традиционной атрибуции. Введение. О круглой связке бедра. 14.02.2026The text in Russian is available at the following link: 2026АрхиповСВ



 

The Book of Genesis as a Great Compilation of Texts and Meanings from the Second Intermediate Period of Egypt: A Pilot Culturological, Medical, Archaeological, and Textological Examination of the Legends versus Traditional Attribution. Chapter 50 

By Sergey V. Arkhipov, MD, PhD




[i] Abstract

The Book of Genesis (Bereshith) was composed in Egypt during the 17th century BCE and reached its definitive protographic form following the Minoan eruption of Thera. This study argues that the work was the result of a collaboration between an Egyptian polymath and a distinguished scribe of Asiatic descent. By analyzing ancient texts, anatomical descriptions, archaeological data, Bronze Age cultural history, and climatic markers, this article demonstrates that the book emerged from the work of a high-ranking socio-political committee within the Egyptian House of Life. We argue that the inclusion of precise anatomical data, such as the ligamentum capitis femoris, serves as a diagnostic marker of this Egyptian medical-scribal collaboration, challenging the late-date theories of the documentary hypothesis.



[ii] Book of Genesis. Chapter 50 Analysis    


Excerpts from the Book of Genesis
(1922LeeserI:64-65)

Type of Similarity and Justification

Ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian Contexts
(Parallels, Analogies, Similarity, Borrowings, Inversions)

2 And Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm his father: and the physicians embalmed Israel. … 26 So Joseph died, being one hundred and ten years old ; and they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt.

 

Sacred and Technological Ritual of Immortality

The similarity in the description of embalming as an obligatory procedure for preserving the physical shell to ensure the continuity of the soul's life, which acts as the highest manifestation of filial piety and adherence to a divine archetype (Anubis/Osiris — Yosef/Yisrael).

 

Egypt

The practice of mummification in Egypt was deeply rooted in the myth of Osiris, providing a ritual blueprint for all subsequent generations. According to the legend, in the creation of the «first mummy on earth, Isis was assisted by her sister Nephthys and Nephthys' son Anubis, an expert in medicinal herbs and the secrets of embalming» (2004РакИВ:81). In Egypt, «for almost five thousand years, the bodies of the deceased were mummified in imitation of the image of the mummified Osiris» (2000БаджЭАУ).

This preservation was essential for the spiritual survival of the individual. There was a notion that «a person dies when the Ba [life force] leaves the body, flying out through the mouth, and comes back to life after the Ba returns to the mummy. Therefore, it is necessary to keep the deceased's body incorruptible, so that the Ba can find its mummy» (2004РакИВ:136).

 

2 And Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm his father: and the physicians embalmed Israel.

Institutionalization of Medical Service

The similarity is manifested in the mention of physicians as staff members of the state apparatus and the «House of Life», who were at the direct disposal of high-ranking officials for providing medical assistance and conducting ritual procedures.

Egypt

The evolution of the medical profession in Egypt can be traced from early religious healers to a highly structured state office. In the «Pyramid Texts» (2350–2175 BCE), there is no specific mention of the term for «physician» (swnw), though healers are praised. In Utterance № 204 (118a), we find: «Rejoice, O hoers; let the heart in the breasts of men be lifted up» (1952MercerSAB:86).

By the Old Kingdom, however, physicians were already integral to the royal court. A text on the tomb wall of the chief builder Washuptah (5th Dynasty) recounts how, after he lost consciousness: «Physicians were summoned with their papyri» (2001КоростовцевМА:142). Specialists like Irenakhet Niankhpepi, known as the «Oculist of the Great House», are well-documented from this period (1974PorterB_MossRLB; giza.fas.harvard.edu).

The high status of the profession is confirmed by the title: sš nsw wr swnw — «royal scribe, great in the art of healing» (2001КоростовцевМА:17). The link between medicine, the priesthood, and the state continued through the Middle and New Kingdoms. Stela CG 20023 (13th Dynasty) depicts a physician named Ameni alongside a scribe of the «House of Life» named Keku (1938GardinerAH:160). The Smith and Ebers Papyri demonstrate that clinical observation was shared by various specialists. Case № 1 of the «Edwin Smith Papyrus» describes pulse determination by either a «priest of Sekhmet or any physician» (1930BreastedJH:78; sae.saw-leipzig.de). A. Turaev (1916) discovered a mention of a priest of the goddess Sekhmet named Ranseneb in a 12th Dynasty papyrus (2001КоростовцевМА:120–121). In the «First Book of Vessels» (Eb854a) of the «Ebers Papyrus» it is stated: «...any physician, any priest of Sekhmet, any magician places his hands and fingers on the head, on the back of the head, on the hands, on the area of the heart, on the arms, on the legs, then he assesses the heart, because its vessels (lead) to all parts of the body.» (1889EbersG; sae.saw-leipzig.de). The «Ebers Papyrus» is dated to 1553–1550 BCE (1947CastiglioniA:49). In the funerary papyrus № 10481 (Egyptian Museum of Florence), belonging to the 17th Dynasty, a physician named Menna is mentioned, who held the position of «chief physician of the House of Life» (1954BottiG:71; 2018AbouelataM:122). Crucially, the «House of Life» served as the intersection where medicine met the ritual of embalming. In funerary papyrus № 10481 (17th Dynasty), a physician named Menna is identified as the «chief physician of the House of Life» (1954BottiG:71; 2018AbouelataM:122). Such an official could lead a multifaceted team. The staff of these institutions consisted of physicians, keepers of myrrh and ointments, and lector-priests who were experts in both embalming and magic (2001КоростовцевМА:105–106).

This divine sanction of the medical craft is articulated in the «Hearst Medical Papyrus» (17th–18th Dynasty). Spell H78 mentions a physician: «I belong to Ra, I say: I am the one who protects him from his enemies. His leader is Thoth. He made the Scriptures speak and compiled a collection of texts, and gave the scholar, the physician, and his servants magical power to deliver the one whom God desires to leave me alive. I am the one whom his God desires to keep alive.» In another Spell (H214) it is said: «Save him from the shadow of the dead! I am that Thoth, that physician of the Eye of Horus. My father Osiris will fight in the presence of Neith, the lady of life, and her servants.» (sae.saw-leipzig.de).

See note!

 

2 And Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm his father: and the physicians embalmed Israel.

Subordinate Status of Physicians

Both texts depict physicians as specialized subordinates who execute the orders of rulers or masters within rigid state and social structures.

Mesopotamia

In Mesopotamia, the medical profession was integrated into the legal and bureaucratic structures of the state from the earliest periods. A physician named Lulu is recorded to have practiced in Sumerian Ur as early as around 2700 BCE (1981KramerS:59).

The Babylonian «Code of Hammurabi» (ca. 1760 BCE) established strict professional liability and standardized fees for medical procedures. We find the following provisions: «§ 215. If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound (or make a severe wound upon a man) with a bronze lancet and save the man's life ; or if he open an abscess (in the eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and save that man's eye, he shall receive 10 shekels of silver (as his fee). <…> § 218. If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound with a bronze lancet and cause the man's death ; or open an abscess (in the eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and destroy the man's eye, they shall cut off his fingers. <…> § 220. If he open an abscess (in his eye) with a bronze lancet, and destroy his eye, he shall pay silver to the extent of one-half of his price.» (1920HandcockPSP:34–35)

Administrative records from the Mari archives (18th century BCE) further demonstrate that physicians were high-ranking specialists at the disposal of the monarchy. The Mari archives contain a letter (ARM 26/2 296) from Usur-awassu to his lord regarding a request for physicians to be sent to Yasmakh-Addu (1988CharpinD_LafontB:25, archibab.fr). In another letter (ARM 26/1 125), an unknown correspondent asks the king: «My Lord should give a strict order to bring Meranam, the physician, to me by boat. He must join me as soon as possible, as well as Ishi-Addu, the diviner.» (1988CharpinD:289–290, archibab.fr). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106).


2 And Joseph commanded his servants the physicians to embalm his father: and the physicians embalmed Israel.

 

Post-mortem Pathological Examination

The similarity is manifested in the confirmation of the high professional qualification of physicians, whose tools and anatomical knowledge allowed for both complex intravital examinations and post-mortem investigations of the body.

Egypt

The medical knowledge of Egyptian physicians of the Middle Kingdom may have been based on systematic pathological and anatomical research. From Case № 33 of the «Edwin Smith Papyrus» (1650–1550 BCE), it is evident that the author studied the pathomorphology of a compression fracture of the cervical vertebrae (1930BreastedJH:337; sae.saw-leipzig.de). It has been noted that in the «Edwin Smith Papyrus», the depiction of individual clinical cases relies on preceding intentional pathological-anatomical investigations, which were routine for the medical writer (1989RowlingJT).

This anatomical knowledge was also reinforced by ritual practices and the study of animal anatomy. It is known that Egyptian physicians were involved in the inspection of a bulls during slaughter to determine its fitness for a sacrificial meal, a practice also observed in everyday life (1917ВикентьевВМ:45). Several depictions have been found on tomb walls showing priests supervising the slaughter of animals. The educated priesthood participating in sacrifices may have been more inclined toward formulating anatomical and physiological observations (2020BlomstedtP:62).

 

3 And they fulfilled for him forty days; for so they fulfil the days of those that are embalmed; and the Egyptians wept for him seventy days.

Sacral-Chronological Numerical Code

The similarity is evidenced in the use of the number seventy as a symbol of completion, representing either the duration required to assemble all constituent parts or the total fullness of a familial composition.

Egypt

The duration of the mummification process was not arbitrary but followed a celestial archetype linked to the star Sirius (Sothis). The mummy of Osiris was completed in seventy days; however, «various sources provide different figures for the number of days during which Isis gathered Osiris's remains. Collectively, the search and mummification spanned 70 days—the period during which Sirius remains invisible» (2004РакИВ:81).

Sothis was personified as a goddess whose movements governed the Egyptian calendar. «In Egypt the star disappears below the horizon once a year for a period of some seventy days; its reappearance in midsummer marked the beginning of the annual inundation and the Egyptian year. The star’s rising was also seen as a harbinger of the sunrise and therefore associated with Horus in his solar aspect, occasionally specified as Horus in Sothis (Ḥrw jmj Spdt), Sothic Horus (Ḥrw Spdtj), or Sharp Horus (Ḥrw Spd).» (2007AllenJP:441).

 

3 And they fulfilled for him forty days; for so they fulfil the days of those that are embalmed; and the Egyptians wept for him seventy days.

 

Technological and Chronological Regulation of Mummification

The similarity is manifested in the precise correspondence of time cycles (40 days of embalming and 70 days of mourning) to the actual stages of chemical treatment of the body in natron and the astronomical period of the disappearance of the star Sirius.

 

Egypt

The timeline for mummification evolved throughout Egyptian history, reflecting both practical and symbolic requirements. In the Middle and New Kingdoms, the body of the deceased was typically placed in natron for 40 days, after which it was «removed, washed, dried, and wrapped in bandages» made of linen fabric (2003FletcherJ:119). In Late Period Egypt, up to the Ptolemaic era (664–30 BCE), the immersion of the body in natron lasted an average of 70 days (2017ChapmanSL:13). The Greek historian Herodotus (5th century BCE) provided a detailed account of this later tradition: «the body is placed in natron lye for 70 days. However, it is not permitted to leave the body in the lye for more than 70 days. After this 70-day period, having washed the body, they wrap it in bandages of byssus cloth cut into strips and smear it with gum» (1972Геродот:86). The materials used for medical dressings were identical to those used in funerary rites. In Case № 14 of the «Edwin Smith Papyrus», the application of linen bandages soaked in oil/fat and honey is recommended (1930BreastedJH:256; sae.saw-leipzig.de). In a similar manner, the fabric strips used to wrap the mummified body were impregnated.

 

4 And when the days of his mourning were past, Joseph spoke unto the house of Pharaoh, saying. If now I have found grace in your eyes, speak, I pray you, in the ears of Pharaoh, saying, … 6 And Pharaoh said. Go up, and bury thy father, as he hath made thee swear. 7 And Joseph went up to bury his father, and there went up with him all the servants of Pharaoh, the elders of his house, and all the elders of the land of Egypt,

 

The Borrowing the Word «Pharaoh»

The term «Pharaoh» derives from an Egyptian word that originally designated the palace or the residence of the king and his administration. By the 12th Dynasty, it became associated with the three wishes following the royal name (life, prosperity, health), and by the New Kingdom, the term began to be used as a title for the king himself (2021NoonanBJ:183).

 

5 My father made me swear, saying, Lo, I die; in my grave, which I have dug for me in the land of Canaan, there shalt thou bury me : now therefore let me go up, I pray thee, and I will bury my father, and return again. … 11 And when the inhabitants of the land, the Canaanites, saw the mourning at the thrashing-floor of Atad, they said, This is a grievous mourning to the Egyptians ; wherefore the name of it was called Abel-mizrayim, which is beyond the Jordan. … 13 And his sons carried him into the land of Canaan, and buried him in the cave of the field of Machpelah, which field Abraham bought for a possession, as a burying-place, of Ephron the Hittite, before Mamre.

 

Ethnopolitical Isomorphism

The presence of the term «Canaan» is characteristic of diplomatic correspondence and legal archives of the 18th–15th centuries BCE.

 

Levant

The inhabitants of Canaan are mentioned in a letter from Ashmad to Askudum (Mari archive, ARM 26/1 24): «Send me a hundred Canaanites <…> awaiting the arrival of the Canaanites» (1988CharpinD:152–154). In another letter (ARM 26/1 140, Mari archive) from Nur-Addu addressed to Zimri-Lim, «Yakhsib-El, the Canaanite» is mentioned (1988CharpinD:303–305). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106). Furthermore, according to Na'aman, «It is thus evident that in mid–18th century BCE people called "Canaanites" lived south of the kingdom of Qatna [south of Syria], i.e., in the same area where they are located in the Late Bronze Age.» (1994NaʾamanN:398). Notably, «The earliest occurrence of the geographical term [Canaan] outside the Old Testament is in the Idrimi statue from Alalakh, which dates to about the middle of the fifteenth century B.C.» (1961GibsonJC:217). Additionally, «The word Canaan comes from Hurrian Kinahhu, which is attested by the documents from Nuzi (15th century BCE) and which is supposed to be a Hurrian word for the colour of purple.» (1991LemcheNP:26).

 

5 My father made me swear, saying, Lo, I die; in my grave, which I have dug for me in the land of Canaan, there shalt thou bury me : now therefore let me go up, I pray thee, and I will bury my father, and return again. … 24 And Joseph said unto his brothers, I shall die; but God will surely visit you, and bring you up out of this land unto the land which he hath sworn to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob. 25 And Joseph caused the children of Israel to swear, saying, God will surely visit you, and then shall ye carry up my bones from here.

The Imperative of Posthumous Repatriation

The similarity is manifested in the assertion of the immutable value of burial in one's native land, which serves as a key condition for the completion of the life cycle.

Egypt

In the Egyptian worldview, the return to one’s place of birth was not merely a personal desire, but a spiritual necessity for a successful transition to the afterlife. In the Middle Kingdom story «The Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor», the protagonist is reassured: «If you are brave and control your heart, you shall embrace your children, you shall kiss your wife, you shall see your home. It is better than everything else. You shall reach home, you shall be there among your brothers. <…> You will reach home in two months. You will embrace your children. You will flourish at home, you will be buried» (2006LichtheimM:1.213–214). The theological weight of this return is underscored in another translation, where the serpent promises: «You shall set out on the return journey with them, and you shall meet death [not in a distant foreign land, but] in your native city...» (2007РакИ:190). The «Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom) serves as the definitive literary expression of this longing. The hero’s prayer emphasizes that burial in foreign soil is a fate to be avoided at all costs: «Whichever god decreed this flight, have mercy, bring me home! Surely you will let me see the place in which my heart dwells! What is more important than that my corpse be buried in the land in which I was born! Come to my aid! What if the happy event should occur!» (2006LichtheimM:1.228). In his direct appeal to the Pharaoh, Sinuhe equates the return with the highest possible blessing: «Grant that my body be buried in the land in which I was born! What could be greater or more desirable than this!» (1958КацнельсонИС_МендельсонФЛ:34). This «instinct for the homeland» was seen as a universal law, applicable even to the animal kingdom and the gods. In the «Myth of the Eye of the Sun» («The Flight of Hathor to Nubia», «Leiden Papyrus», 2nd–3rd centuries CE), the god Thoth exhorts Hathor-Tefnut: «Even a crocodile, when it grows old, leaves a foreign land and comes to die in its own pool» (2007РакИ:69). Thoth concludes: «of all that exists in the world, nothing is loved more than one’s native land, that is, the place where you were born» (2004РакИВ:52).


6 And Pharaoh said. Go up, and bury thy father, as he hath made thee swear.

 

Etiquette and the Direct Sanction of the Monarch

The similarity is manifested in the recording of the moment of personal dialogue between the Pharaoh and a subordinate official to confirm the legality of fulfilling a family duty as a state-significant commission.

Egypt

The transition from the Old to the Middle Kingdom marked a significant shift in the relationship between the Pharaoh and the Egyptian nobility. «In the Middle Kingdom, pharaohs already communicated with nomarchs and representatives of the nobility, participated in military campaigns, and so forth, whereas in the Old Kingdom, only the elite of the elite could behold the earthly deity» (2004РакИВ:109). Despite this increased accessibility, the ritual of an audience with the king remained a highly choreographed display of divine majesty. In the «Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom), there is a description of an audience with the king: «When it dawned, very early, they came to summon me. Ten men came and ten men went to usher me into the palace. My forehead touched the ground between the sphinxes, and the royal children stood in the gateway to meet me. The courtiers who usher through the forecourt set me on the way to the audience-hall. I found his majesty on the great throne in a kiosk of gold. Stretched out on my belly, I did not know myself before him, while this god greeted me pleasantly. <…> Then the royal daughters were brought in, and his majesty said to the queen: "Here is Sinuhe, come as an Asiatic, a product of nomads!"» (2006LichtheimM:1.231,232). This culture of royal service was often commemorated in biographical texts as a mark of supreme honor. «In the Old and Middle Kingdoms, people loved to recount the execution of royal commissions and significant deeds, often citing documents, especially royal letters» (1915ТураевБА:47).

 

8 And all the house of Joseph, and his brothers, and his father's house ; only their little ones, and their flocks, and their herds, they left behind in the land of Goshen.

Geographic and Administrative Localization

The similarity is found in the mention of the specific toponym «Goshen», identified as a borderland—a region in the eastern part of the Nile Delta suitable for settlement and animal husbandry.

 

Egypt

A.H. Gardiner (1924) suggested that the biblical locality «Goshen» should be sought in the eastern Nile Delta. According to E. Naville, the land of «Goshen» (Gesem) was located in the east, «not far» from the country. Furthermore, «at the western entrance to the Goshen Valley, with its capital Pe(r)-sopd(u) («House of Sopdu»; also called «House of the Sycamore»), modern Saft el-Hinna», was located the twentieth nome of the Delta, later designated as the «Arabian nome» (2021МюллерМ:158). Topographical references to this region also appear in literary works; specifically, in the «Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom), it is stated: «I crossed Maaty near Sycamore; I reached Isle-of-Snefru» (2006LichtheimM:1.224).

 

9 And there went up with him both chariots and horsemen ; and the encampment was very great.

Technological and Lexical Acculturation

Similarity is manifested in the mention of the chariot procession as an obligatory attribute of high social status, which records the historical moment of the integration of horse breeding and chariots into Egyptian culture in the middle of the second millennium BCE.

 

Egypt

Regarding the early presence of equids in Egypt, a horse skeleton excavated in Buhen, in the southern Nile Valley, is dated approximately to 2055–1650 BCE (2014TatomirR). Furthermore, the document known as «Be a Scribe» (Middle Kingdom?) implies the presence of horses, stating: «The poor man is turned into a driver – and the stable manager supervises him» (1958КацнельсонИС_МендельсонФЛ:248). Similarly, in the «Admonitions of Ipuwer» (attributed by V.V. Struve to the Second Intermediate Period), we find an indirect reference to horses: «Behold, he who had no team now possesses a herd» (1978КоростовцевМА:236). In the «Admonitions of Ipuwer» (attributed by V.V. Struve to the Second Intermediate Period), we find an indirect reference to horses: «Behold, he who had no team now possesses a herd» (1978КоростовцевМА:236).

The light chariot appeared in Egypt only during the Hyksos period (2010FeldmanMH_SauvageC). Under Hyksos rule, the inhabitants of Avaris and the surrounding territories formed a sophisticated urban society engaged in extensive trade—particularly maritime commerce—and the introduction of horses and chariots into Egypt (2021BietakM_RensburgA).

 

9 And there went up with him both chariots and horsemen ; and the encampment was very great.

Zooarchaeological and Chronological Parallelism

A shared period of the spread of horses, chariots, and wagons in the Near East.

Mesopotamia, Anatolia

The history of wheeled transport in the region dates back to the third millennium BCE. Wagons and horses are depicted on the Sumerian «Standard of Ur», created during the Early Dynastic period, which flourished between 2550–2400 BCE (2003AruzJ_WallenfelsR). Subsequently, the light chariot became widespread in the Eastern Mediterranean and throughout the Near East in the second millennium BCE (2010FeldmanMH_SauvageC). The importance of these vehicles is reflected in royal correspondence; for instance, in a letter from the royal archives of Mari (ARM 26/2 285), we learn of a shortage of cedar wood specifically intended for chariots used in rituals (1988CharpinD_LafontB:15–18).

The Mari archives also provide insight into the livestock trade and military logistics of the era. In letter ARM 26/1 47, it is reported that Askudum divided the cattle and horses collected from the Canaanites into organized herds (1988CharpinD_LafontB:190–199, archibab.fr). Furthermore, in letter ARM 26/2 533, the author writes about ongoing negotiations for the supply of white Anatolian horses (1988CharpinD_LafontB:526–527, archibab.fr). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106). Legal codes of the period further emphasize the value of these animals. According to the «Hittite Laws» (17th–12th centuries BCE): «§ 71 If anyone finds a (stray) ox, horse, mule (or) donkey, he shall drive it to the king’s gate» (1997HoffnerJrHA:80).

 

10 And they came to the thrashing-floor of Atad, which is beyond Jordan, and they held there a great and very sore lamentation ; and he made for his father a mourning of seven days.

 

Numerological Correspondence

In both traditions, the number «seven» is used as a sacred marker of the absolute completeness of an action.

 

Egypt

Regarding Egyptian mythology, the Egyptian concept of the Seven Hathors is well known: «A complex form of the goddess Hathor’s cult; evidently, her simultaneous incarnation into seven hypostases» (2004РакИВ:286). Hathor («Enclosure of Horus»), the wife of the god Horus, represents the principle of joy, feminine love, and motherhood. Furthermore, in the Pyramid of Unis (5th Dynasty, ca. 2353–2323 BCE), Recitation № 223 states: «…who swallowed his seven uraei and his seven neckbones came into being, [who governs] his seven Enneads and hears the sovereign’s case.» (2007AllenJP:60). In the «Coffin Texts» (2134–2040 BCE), Spell № 213, reads: «I eat of red emmer, and seven loaves are in the sky in On with Re seven portions are [on earth] with Geb, seven portions are with Osiris.» (1973FaulknerRO:170). Similarly, in the «Book of the Dead» it is stated: «I have made meat offerings unto the seven kine and unto their bull.» (1901BudgeEAW:481).

 

10 And they came to the thrashing-floor of Atad, which is beyond Jordan, and they held there a great and very sore lamentation ; and he made for his father a mourning of seven days.

Numerological Correspondence

In both traditions, the number «seven» is used as a sacred marker of the absolute completeness of an action.

 

Mesopotamia

In the Akkadian «Epic of Gilgamesh», the numeral seven is mentioned repeatedly: «Six days and seven nights came the wind and flood, the storm flattening the land. When the seventh day arrived, the storm was pounding, the flood was a war-struggling with itself like a woman writhing (in labor).» (1989KovacsMG:101). The text further records: «When a seventh day arrived I sent forth a dove and released it. <…> Seven and seven cult vessels I put in place, and (into the fire) underneath (or: into their bowls) I poured reeds, cedar, and myrtle.» (1989KovacsMG:145). The standard version of the «Epic of Gilgamesh» was first written in the Old Babylonian period (1800–1600 BCE) (1989KovacsMG:xxii).

The Atrahasis myth tells that at a meeting of the gods, the god «We-ila, who had personality, They slaughtered in their assembly. From his flesh and blood Nintu mixed clay.» From this mixture, «Seven produced males, [Seven] produced females.» (1999LambertWG_CivilM:59–63). The «Myth of Atrahasis» was composed ca. 1600 BCE (1989KovacsMG:xxvi).

 

10 And they came to the thrashing-floor of Atad, which is beyond Jordan, and they held there a great and very sore lamentation ; and he made for his father a mourning of seven days. 11 And when the inhabitants of the land, the Canaanites, saw the mourning at the thrashing-floor of Atad, they said, This is a grievous mourning to the Egyptians ; wherefore the name of it was called Abel-mizrayim, which is beyond the Jordan.

 

Topographic Authenticity

The identified spatial similarity between the biblical narrative and the physical geography of the region confirms the historical rootedness of the text in the actual landscape of Palestine.

 

Levant

The geographical description of the region provides a realistic backdrop for the movements of the patriarchs. The Jordan originates in the Anti-Lebanon Mountains at altitudes up to 3000 meters. Further, the river flows south, forming the Sea of Galilee, upon exiting which it flows through the Jordan Valley, surrounded by the Judean (Judeo-Samarian), Gilead, and Abarim mountains. Ultimately, the stream discharges into the Dead Sea. The distance traversed by the river between the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea is approximately 105 km (2024АрхиповСВ:80).

 

13 And his sons carried him into the land of Canaan, and buried him in the cave of the field of Machpelah, which field Abraham bought for a possession, as a burying-place, of Ephron the Hittite, before Mamre.

Memorial-Legal Consolidation

A profound structural similarity in the existential priority placed upon the acquisition of a permanent, legally recognized funerary estate to ensure the continuity of memory and the preservation of sacred burial space.

 

Egypt

The construction of a tomb in Egypt was not only a religious act but a highly regulated state and legal process. In the «Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom), it is stated: «The dance of the mrow-dancers is done at the door of your tomb; the offering-list is read to you; sacrifice is made before your offering-stone. Your tomb-pillars, made of white stone, are among (those of) the royal children.» (2006LichtheimM:1:229–230).

The involvement of specialized state guilds underlines the prestige associated with these structures: «A stone pyramid was built for me in the midst of the pyramids. The masons who build tombs constructed it. A master draughtsman designed in it. A master sculptor carved in it. The overseers of construction in the necropolis busied themselves with it. All the equipment that is placed in a tomb-shaft was supplied. Mortuary priests were given me. A funerary domain was made for me.» (2006LichtheimM:1:233). Furthermore, the legitimacy of the tomb's ownership was a frequent theme in funerary inscriptions. It has been observed that in the texts on the walls of Egyptian tombs, «nobles constantly emphasize that it is their legal property, and that they have not violated the rights of others» (1920ТураевБА:49).

 

13 And his sons carried him into the land of Canaan, and buried him in the cave of the field of Machpelah, which field Abraham bought for a possession, as a burying-place, of Ephron the Hittite, before Mamre.

Ethnogenetic Verification

Fixation of the presence of Indo-European groups (Hittites) in the Levant as a consequence of a migratory wave element.

 

Levant

In approximately 1800 BCE, a case of the presence of a Lycian [Hittite] from Western Asia Minor was recorded in Byblos, Phoenicia (1966KitchenKA).

 

15 And when Joseph's brothers saw that their father was dead, they said, Peradventure Joseph may now hate us ; and then he would certainly requite us all the evil which we have done unto him. 16 And they sent word unto Joseph, saying. Thy father did command before his death, saying, 17 So shall ye say unto Joseph, forgive, I pray thee, the trespass of thy brothers, and their sin ; for evil have they done unto thee : and now, we pray thee, forgive the trespass of the servants of the God of thy father ; and Joseph wept when they spoke unto him. 18 And his brothers also went and fell down before him; and they said. Behold, we will be thy servants.

 

Political Climate of Suspicion

The similarity is expressed in the description of a shared atmosphere of extreme distrust, where even kinship ties are subjected to rigorous verification and viewed as a potential instrument of conspiracy or espionage.

 

Egypt

The political philosophy of the Middle Kingdom often reflected a tension between the necessity of isolation and the ideal of the benevolent leader. In the «Instruction of King Amenemhat» (12th Dynasty), we read: «Beware of subjects who are nobodies, Of whose plotting one is not aware. Trust not a brother, know not a friend, Make no intimates, it is worthless. When you lie down, guard your heart yourself, For no man has adherents on the day of woe.» (2006LichtheimM:1.136).

 

19 And Joseph said unto them, Fear not; for am I in the place of God? 20 But as for you, though ye thought evil against me, God meant it unto good; in order to bring to pass, as it is this day, to save alive a numerous people. 21 Now therefore fear ye not, I will support you, and your little ones ; and he comforted them, and spoke kindly unto them.

 

The Ethical Code of the Ruler

The similarity is manifested in the realization of the concept of a merciful ruler guided by the principle of state magnanimity and concern for the welfare of subjects and «inner circle».

 

Egypt

In the instructions emphasized that the stability of the throne depended on the king’s character and his ability to inspire loyalty through grace. In the «Instruction Addressed to King Merikare» (Middle Kingdom), it is said: «Make people come [to you] through your good nature. A wretch is who desires the land [of his neighbor], a fool is who covets what others possess» (2006LichtheimM:1.100).

This theme of royal virtue as a strategic and moral necessity is consistent throughout different periods:

The Old Kingdom Precedent: The «Instruction of Ptahhotep» (6th Dynasty) established the ethical foundation for leadership: «If thou be a leader, as one directing the conduct of the multitude, endeavour always to be gracious, that thine own conduct be without defect» (1908BattiscombeG:43).

The Herakleopolitan Tradition: In the «Instruction to Merikare» (11th Dynasty), the father advises his son: «Remember: magnanimity is the ornament of a king.» He further adds: «Let everyone from your inner circle prosper on the earth» (1978КоростовцевМА:212,217).

 

22 And Joseph dwelt in Egypt, he, and his father's house ; and Joseph lived one hundred and ten years. … 26 So Joseph died, being one hundred and ten years old ; and they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt.

 

The Ideal Life Cycle

The similarity is manifested in the mention of the age of one hundred and ten years as a sacred and socially sanctioned norm of longevity, testifying to supreme divine favor toward an individual and one who possesses magic.

 

Egypt

In the Egyptian tradition, reaching the age of 110 was considered the ultimate mark of divine favor and a life lived in accordance with Maat (order and justice). In Ancient Egyptian texts, «an ideal lifespan of 110 years is frequently mentioned» (2001TaylorJH). This specific number appears across various literary genres, from wisdom tales to royal praises.

The Middle Kingdom: In the «Tales of the Sons of Pharaoh Khufu», it is stated that the magician «is a commoner named Djedi, he lives in the village of Djed-Snefru. He is one hundred and ten years of age» (1978КоростовцевМА:28). In another translation of the «Three Tales of Wonder» (Hyksos period), the description of Djedi’s vitality at this age is even more vivid: «He is a man of a hundred and ten years who eats five hundred loaves of bread, half an ox for meat, and drinks one hundred jugs of beer to this very day» (2006LichtheimM:1.217–218).

The New Kingdom: In the «Papyrus Anastasi III», the formulaic nature of this lifespan is preserved in a formal wish to «live for 110 years» (2001КоростовцевМА:49). The fulfillment of such a life often concluded with the king’s favor, ensuring an honorable transition to the afterlife. In the epilogue of the «Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom), the hero reflects on this royal grace: «My statue was overlaid with gold, its skirt with electrum. It was his majesty who ordered it made. There is no commoner for whom the like has been done. I was in the favor of the king, until the day of landing came» (2006LichtheimM:1.233).

 

22 And Joseph dwelt in Egypt, he, and his father's house ; and Joseph lived one hundred and ten years. … 26 So Joseph died, being one hundred and ten years old ; and they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt.

 

Chronological Hyperbolization

The use of anomalously large numbers serves as a literary device to denote the antiquity of the era and the sacred status of the described characters in both traditions.


Mesopotamia

In Mesopotamia, historical figures were attributed legendary longevity. There existed a list of kings compiled by Sumerian scribes at the end of the second millennium BCE. For example, the kings of «the first dynasty after the deluge also reigned for an average of a thousand years, and subsequently for two hundred years each» (1961ВуллиЛ:15).

 

25 And Joseph caused the children of Israel to swear, saying, God will surely visit you, and then shall ye carry up my bones from here.

Onomastic Authenticity

The identified structural similarity in the use of the theophoric element «El» confirms that the biblical text belongs to the authentic Near Eastern naming tradition of the early 2nd millennium BCE.

 

Mesopotamia

The theophoric element «El» in personal names is frequently encountered in the documents of the Mari archives. An example is a letter (ARM 2 23) from Ibal-pi-El to his lord Zimri-Lim (1988CharpinD:271). Furthermore, in a letter (ARM 26/1 140) from Nur-Addu addressed to Zimri-Lim, «Yakhsib-El, the Hanaean» is mentioned (1988CharpinD:303–305). Additionally, Yeskit-El, in a letter (ARM 26/2 386), informs his lord Zimri-Lim of the fall of Larsa (1988CharpinD_LafontB:205). Yasim-El, in a letter (ARM 26/2 403-bis) to his brother Shunukhra-Khalu, recounts his illness (1988CharpinD_LafontB:257). The Mari archive, a key Mesopotamian source, dates to the first half of the 18th century BCE (1956Munn-RankinJM:106).

 

26 So Joseph died, being one hundred and ten years old ; and they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt.

 

The Borrowing of the Word «Ark»

 

Egypt

The term used for the receptacle of the deceased is an Egyptian borrowing meaning «coffin» or «chest», as well as «shrine» or «chamber» (2021NoonanBJ:217). The significance of the coffin is central to the Osirian myth, as recorded by later historians. According to Plutarch (1st–2nd century CE), through Set's trickery, Osiris «stepped into the coffin and lay down. Then the conspirators ran up, slammed the lid shut, and having fastened it from the outside with nails and sealed it with molten lead, they dragged the coffin to the river and cast it into the sea at Tanis, through the mouth» (1996Плутарх:3). The journey of the sarcophagus symbolizes the transition between life, death, and rebirth. According to legend, as a result of Set's conspiracy, Osiris was enclosed in a sarcophagus that was thrown into the river and subsequently reached the sea. «The sea waves carried the sarcophagus with Osiris’s dead body to the shores of Byblos; the surf cast it onto the land, and the sarcophagus came to rest upon a young sprout of a tamarisk tree» (2007РакИ:97).

 



[iii] Notes to Chapter 50

Physicians of Ancient Greece and Israel

Ancient Greek physicians are mentioned in the second book of Homer's «Iliad» (Ὅμηρος. Ἰλιάς, ca. 8th century BCE): «And they that held Oechalia, the city of Eurytus the Oechalian, over these again led the two sons of Asclepius, the skilled healers Podaleirius and Machaon» (1960Гомер:2.730–732). The reputation of the medical profession in antiquity often crossed cultural boundaries, with Egypt serving as the primary benchmark. Regarding the high level of Egyptian medicine, we read in the fourth book of the Odyssey (Ὅμηρος. Ὀδύσσεια, ca. 8th century BCE): «Such cunning drugs had the daughter of Zeus, drugs of healing, which Polydamna, the wife of Thon, had given her, a woman of Egypt, for there the earth, the giver of grain, bears greatest store of drugs, many that are healing when mixed, and many that are baneful; there every man is a physician, wise above human kind; for they are of the race of Paeeon» (Note: Paeeon is an ancient healing deity) (1981Гомер:4.228–232). Physicians from among the Hebrews did not achieve prominence until the Middle Ages (1947CastiglioniA:49).

Gloss

11 And when the inhabitants of the land, the Canaanites, saw the mourning at the thrashing-floor of Atad, they said, This is a grievous mourning to the Egyptians ; wherefore the name of it was called Abel-mizrayim, which is beyond the Jordan.

These explanations may date back to the first half of the first millennium BCE. The practice of compiling explanatory glosses has deep roots in ancient Egyptian scientific texts. The early explanations date back to the first half of the second millennium BCE. For example, numerous glosses are contained in the Edwin Smith Papyrus (1650–1550 BCE), compiled by a scribe presumably from the Hyksos period (1930BreastedJH; sae.saw-leipzig.de).

 

(The conclusion compiled by the AI agent, with our minor changes)

Preliminary Conclusion to the Analysis of Genesis Chapter 50

Sacred and Technological Ritual of Immortality

The textual description of Jacob's embalming (Genesis 50:2-3) reveals a profound archetypal similarity to the Egyptian cult of Osiris, where the preservation of the body is a prerequisite for the return of the «Ba,» as documented in sources since the Old Kingdom (3rd millennium BCE). The mention of this procedure as an act of Joseph’s filial piety mirrors the mythological roles of Anubis and Horus, legitimizing the patriarch's actions within the framework of Egyptian sacred tradition. This layer of the text demonstrates precision in conveying theological concepts of immortality characteristic of Egypt throughout the entire Dynastic period, including the Middle and New Kingdoms (c. 2000–1000 BCE).

Institutionalization of Medical Service

The mention of «servant-physicians» in Genesis 50:2 aligns with the Egyptian administrative model where specialized medical professionals were integrated into the state hierarchy and the «House of Life.» Historical evidence, such as the title sš nsw wr swnw and the 17th-Dynasty records of Menna, confirms that high-ranking officials had direct command over medical staff for both clinical and ritual (embalming) duties. This institutional structure, well-documented from the Old Kingdom through the New Kingdom (c. 2600–1200 BCE), suggests that the biblical narrator possessed an accurate understanding of the Egyptian bureaucracy regarding the intersection of medicine and the funerary cult.

Post-mortem Pathological Examination

The advanced anatomical expertise attributed to the «servant-physicians» in Genesis 50:2 correlates with the empirical tradition of Egyptian medical writers, such as the author of the Edwin Smith Papyrus (c. 1650–1550 BCE), who conducted routine pathological investigations. The involvement of physicians and priests in post-mortem examinations, including the veterinary inspection of sacrificial animals (documented since the Old Kingdom), underscores a level of specialized knowledge necessary for the complex mummification process described in the biblical text. This intersection of clinical observation and ritual practice suggests that the narrative of Genesis 50 reflects a period when Egyptian medical science was at its peak, particularly during the Middle Kingdom and early New Kingdom (c. 18th–16th centuries BCE).

Sacral-Chronological Numerical Code

The mention of the seventy-day period in Genesis 50:3 reflects a profound alignment with the Egyptian Sothic cycle, specifically the 70-day invisibility of the star Sirius (Sothis) which symbolized the transition between death and rebirth. This numerical code, documented as early as the Pyramid Texts (c. 2350–2175 BCE) and emphasized in the Osiris myth, identifies the mourning period for Jacob not merely as a local custom, but as a cosmologically synchronized ritual of completion. The integration of this specific duration into the Hebrew narrative suggests the author’s exposure to Egyptian astronomical and theological frameworks prevalent during the Middle and New Kingdoms (c. 2000–1200 BCE).

Technological and Chronological Regulation of Mummification

The chronological framework of 40 days for embalming and 70 days for mourning in Genesis 50:3 provides a precise technical match with Egyptian mummification protocols, specifically those prevalent during the Middle and New Kingdoms (c. 2040–1070 BCE). The 40-day period corresponds to the intensive chemical dehydration of the body in natron, while the 70-day total duration aligns with the broader ritual cycle and the astronomical disappearance of Sirius. Furthermore, the use of impregnated linen bandages, as described in the Edwin Smith Papyrus (c. 1650–1550 BCE), confirms that the biblical account reflects the specific medical and technological standards of the mid-second millennium BCE, rather than the extended 70-day natron immersion typical of the Late Period (after 664 BCE) described by Herodotus.

Technological and Chronological Regulation of Mummification

The technical timeframe of 40 days for embalming and 70 days for mourning in Genesis 50:3 precisely mirrors the mummification protocols of the Middle and New Kingdoms (c. 2040–1070 BCE), where the 40-day stage represented the active chemical dehydration in natron. The biblical text's linguistic shift toward using the term «Pharaoh» as a direct title for the monarch further anchors this narrative in the New Kingdom (c. 1550–1070 BCE), the period when this metonymic usage transitioned from referring to the royal palace to the person of the king himself. This synthesis of technical accuracy—matching the Edwin Smith Papyrus (c. 1650 BCE)—and specific linguistic evolution suggests a composition date contemporaneous with the zenith of Egyptian administrative and funerary culture.

Ethnopolitical Isomorphism

The systematic use of the geographic and ethno-political term «Canaan» in Genesis 50:11 provides a critical chronological anchor, as this terminology aligns precisely with diplomatic and legal archives from the 18th to the 15th centuries BCE. Evidence from the Mari archives (c. 1800–1750 BCE) and the Idrimi statue (c. 15th century BCE) confirms that «Canaan» was an established international designation for the Levant during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. This specific nomenclature reflects an authentic geopolitical reality of the second millennium BCE, predating the shifts in regional terminology that occurred after the Iron Age transition.

The Imperative of Posthumous Repatriation

The persistent emphasis on Jacob’s burial in Canaan (Genesis 50:5, 13) reflects a core Egyptian cultural value of the Middle Kingdom (c. 2040–1782 BCE), where death in a foreign land was viewed as a spiritual catastrophe. Literary parallels from «The Story of Sinuhe» and «The Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor» demonstrate that the «happy event» of being buried in one's native soil was considered the ultimate fulfillment of a successful life cycle. This ethical and existential imperative, which transcends mere tribal tradition, aligns the biblical narrative with the high-status Egyptian literary motifs of the early second millennium BCE, emphasizing the necessity of returning to one's origins for a «proper» transition to the afterlife.

Etiquette and the Direct Sanction of the Monarch

The formal interaction between Joseph and the Egyptian court regarding his family's burial request (Genesis 50:4–6) accurately mirrors the documented court etiquette of the Middle Kingdom (c. 2040–1782 BCE). Unlike the inaccessible «earthly deity» of the Old Kingdom, the Pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom—as seen in «The Story of Sinuhe»—engaged in direct dialogue with high-ranking officials and regulated their movements through formal petitions and royal sanctions. The biblical description of Joseph’s reliance on the «House of Pharaoh» and the subsequent royal decree aligns with the historical transition toward a more integrated administrative communication, providing a strong contextual link to the Middle Bronze Age (c. 2000–1600 BCE).

Geographic and Administrative Localization

The geographic localization of «Goshen» in Genesis 50:8 as a distinct pastoral borderland aligns with the historical and archaeological identification of the eastern Nile Delta (the 20th nome, later known as the Arabian nome). The mention of specific landmarks like the «Sycamore» in both the biblical text and «The Story of Sinuhe» (Middle Kingdom, c. 19th century BCE) suggests an authentic administrative familiarity with the topography of the Wadi Tumilat region. This precise toponymy and its association with a semi-autonomous pastoral population characterize the frontier policy of the Middle and early New Kingdoms (c. 2000–1400 BCE), prior to the large-scale urbanization of the Delta in later periods.

Technological and Lexical Acculturation

The description of a funerary procession involving chariots and horsemen in Genesis 50:9 serves as a precise terminus post quem, synchronizing the narrative with the military and social revolution of the Second Intermediate Period and early New Kingdom (c. 1700–1550 BCE). While horse remains at Buhen (c. 2000 BCE) and references in the Mari Archives (18th century BCE) confirm the early presence of equines in the Near East, the specific integration of the light chariot into Egyptian state ceremony is a hallmark of the Hyksos and post-Hyksos eras. This technological parallelism, documented in both the Admonitions of Ipuwer and the Hittite Laws, anchors the text in a mid-second millennium BCE context where the chariot had become the definitive symbol of high-status administrative mobility.

Numerological Correspondence

The use of the numeral seven as a marker of ritual and cosmological completeness in Genesis 50:10 (the seven-day mourning at the threshing floor of Atad) reflects a widespread Near Eastern and Egyptian sacral-mathematical tradition established by the 3rd millennium BCE. Parallels in the Pyramid Texts (c. 2350 BCE) and the Coffin Texts (c. 2100 BCE) utilize the «sevenfold» structure to denote divine satiety and legal sovereignty, while the Epic of Gilgamesh (c. 1800–1600 BCE) and the Atrahasis Myth employ the same septenary cadence to define the boundaries of life-altering events and transitions. This shared numerological code suggests that the 50th chapter of Genesis was formulated within a cultural milieu where «seven» served as the standard liturgical unit for the finalization of a sacred act, particularly during the Middle Bronze Age.

Memorial-Legal Consolidation and Ethnogenetic Verification

The emphasis in Genesis 50:13 on the Machpelah cave as a «possession of a burial place» aligns with the high-status Egyptian legal tradition of the Middle Kingdom (c. 2040–1782 BCE), where the acquisition of a funerary estate was a documented prerequisite for existential security. Parallels in «The Story of Sinuhe» emphasize that a «funerary domain» was not merely a grave but a legally protected, stone-built infrastructure integrated into the royal necropolis system. Furthermore, the presence of Hittite/Indo-European groups in the Levant, as mentioned in the biblical narrative, finds historical support in the migratory waves documented in Byblos (c. 1800 BCE), confirming a geopolitical landscape consistent with the Middle Bronze Age.

Political Climate and the Ethical Code of the Ruler

The psychological tension between Joseph and his brothers in Genesis 50:15–21 reflects the political climate of suspicion characteristic of the Middle Kingdom (12th Dynasty), as articulated in the Instruction of King Amenemhat I, where even fraternal ties are viewed through the lens of potential betrayal. Conversely, Joseph’s response embodies the Egyptian ethical ideal of the «merciful ruler» (magnanimity as the «ornament of a king»), a central theme in the Instruction of King Merikare and the Maxims of Ptahhotep. This dualism—balancing extreme administrative vigilance with state-sanctioned benevolence toward one's «inner circle»—anchors the narrative’s moral and political philosophy in the established literary and didactic traditions of the early second millennium BCE (c. 2000–1600 BCE).

Psychological Parallel

The psychological interiority of Joseph and his brothers (Genesis 50:15–21) aligns with the ancient Egyptian «theology of the heart» (ib/haty), where the heart functions as the primary seat of rational thought, memory, and moral agency. This conceptualization, documented from the Pyramid Texts (c. 2350 BCE) to the Middle Kingdom «Instructions» (c. 19th century BCE), defines the heart as an independent entity capable of being «tested,» «comforted,» or «poured out.» The biblical narrator’s emphasis on Joseph «speaking to the hearts» of his brothers reflects a sophisticated literary technique rooted in the sapiential traditions of the second millennium BCE, where emotional reconciliation and administrative discernment are governed by the heart’s alignment with divine order (Maat).

The Ideal Life Cycle

The attribution of a 110-year lifespan to Joseph (Genesis 50:22, 26) constitutes a definitive cultural and chronological marker, as this specific number served as the canonical Egyptian symbol for a «perfect life» and divine favor. Evidence from the Middle Kingdom (Papyrus Westcar, c. 18th–16th centuries BCE) and the New Kingdom (Papyrus Anastasi III) identifies 110 years as the reward for one who lives according to Maat (truth/order) and possesses spiritual wisdom. This «Egyptian longevity» stands in stark contrast to the Mesopotamian tradition of chronological hyperbolization, where legendary figures were assigned thousands of years, further confirming that the author of Genesis 50 was operating within an Egyptian-centric sapiential framework of the second millennium BCE.

Onomastic Authenticity and Lexical Borrowing

The use of the theophoric element «El» in the naming conventions of the patriarchal era finds direct onomastic parallels in the Mari archives (c. 18th century BCE), where names such as Ibal-pi-El and Yakhsib-El reflect a verified West Semitic linguistic stratum of the Middle Bronze Age. Furthermore, the biblical term for «ark» (coffin/chest) in Genesis 50:26 is a specific Egyptian loanword, conceptually and terminologically linked to the funerary «chest» of the Osiris myth. The convergence of authentic 18th-century BCE Amorite onomastics with specialized Egyptian mortuary vocabulary reinforces the conclusion that the narrative was shaped by an author possessing precise knowledge of both Levantine and Nilotic cultures during the second millennium BCE.

General Conclusion

The multidisciplinary research conducted herein demonstrates a profound isomorphism between the biblical text of Genesis 50 and the historical realities of the Bronze Age, substantiated by the following key arguments:

Techno-Medical Precision: The description of the embalming process (specifically the 40-day dehydration and the 70-day ritual cycle) and the mention of «servant-physicians» (staff members of the House of Life) align perfectly with Egyptian protocols of the Middle and New Kingdoms, as documented in the Edwin Smith Papyrus (c. 1650 BCE).

Geopolitical Synchronization: The systematic use of onomastics featuring the theophoric element «El» and the toponym «Canaan» finds direct parallels in the Mari archives (18th century BCE) and the Idrimi statue (15th century BCE), reflecting the authentic international lexicon of that era.

Cultural and Linguistic Markers: The term «ark» (’ārōn) as an Egyptian lexical borrowing and the sacred lifespan of 110 years (the quintessential ideal of longevity in Egyptian literature, e.g., Papyrus Westcar) indicate that the author was deeply integrated into the Egyptian courtly and religious milieu.

Technological Benchmarking: The inclusion of a chariot procession within the funerary rites serves as a precise terminus post quem, pointing to the period following Hyksos influence (17th–16th centuries BCE), when equines and light chariots became integral to state ceremonial protocols.

Final Verdict

Based on the synthesis of all presented factors—ranging from specific pathological-anatomical knowledge to the administrative etiquette associated with the titular use of «Pharaoh»—the dating of the core narrative of Genesis Chapter 50 is established between the 18th and 15th centuries BCE (the Middle Kingdom and the early New Kingdom).

The text exhibits a level of technical and cultural detail that would be unattainable for a later redactor of the First or Second Temple periods, who would inevitably introduce anachronisms (e.g., regarding the specific duration of natron immersion or the professional status of physicians). Consequently, Genesis 50 stands as an authentic Late Bronze Age historical-literary document, preserving unique evidence of the integration of Semitic patriarchs into the Egyptian state system.



[v] Content




[vi] External links

 Sumer (c. 3300 – before 1900 BCE) britannica.com

The Old Kingdom of Egypt (c. 2543 – c. 2120 BCE) britannica.com

The Third Dynasty of Ur (22nd – 21st cent. BCE) britannica.com

The First Intermediate period of Egypt (c. 2118 – c. 1980 BCE) britannica.com

The Old Babylonian period of Egypt (2000 – 1595 BCE) onlinelibrary.wiley.com

The Middle Kingdom of Egypt (c. 1980 – c. 1760 BCE) britannica.com

The Second Intermediate period of Egypt (c. 1759 – c. 1539 BCE) britannica.com

The New Kingdom of Egypt (c. 1539 – c. 1077 BCE) britannica.com



[vii] Application

Authors of the article

Arkhipov S.V. – Independent Researcher, MD, PhD, Orthopedic Surgeon, Medical Writer, Joensuu, Finland.

Correspondence: Sergey Arkhipov, email: archipovsv @ gmail.com

 

Article history

March 24, 2026 - online version of the article published. 

 

Suggested citation

Arkhipov S.V. The Book of Genesis as a Great Compilation of Texts and Meanings from the Second Intermediate Period of Egypt: A Pilot Culturological, Medical, Archaeological, and Textological Examination of the Legends versus Traditional Attribution. Chapter 50About round ligament of femur. March 24, 2026. 

 

Note

For more detailssee the article


Keywords

Genesis Protograph, Bereshit Protograph, Hyksos-era Scriptorium, Ligamentum Teres, Ligamentum Capitis Femoris, Minoan Eruption Impact, Bronze Age, Middle Egyptian Origin, Cross-cultural Codification, Ancient Medicine, Biblical Chronology



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